cathomson – U.S. to 1877

November 5, 2013

The “Sacrilization” of America

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Throughout the nation’s history, America has emphasized Christian values as fundamental to our conception of ourselves as a nation. While this has questionable implications for the founding principle of separation of church as state, it also profoundly affects the way in which we, as a nation, actuate change. In the midst of the abolition movement, which, incidentally, was based very solidly upon religious ideals, many American Protestants were calling into question the way in which America lived up to its ideals. This certainly applied to slavery and its moral implications but also to society as a whole. Protestantism focused on the individual and the “power of the individual to achieve sanctification” but the movement also extended this concept to the larger redemption of American society and the ability “of the American nation to establish a new golden age” (Davis 251). Individual rights have always been a cornerstone of American identity. The Settler Colonialism: If Not Genocide, Then What? post touches on this in the connection it draws between Wolfe’s article and Turner’s Frontier Thesis. The individual’s ability to act how he wants and achieve his dreams on his own merit is a concept that has been idealized from the beginning of American history. These new evangelicals simply take this one step further in identifying “fatal discrepancies between American ideals and American practice” thus expanding notions of individual greatness and morality and applying them to all of American society (Davis 251). As religious leaders asked citizens to question the meaning of their own lives and to reassess the way they acted as individuals they also asked them to examine the way in which the country as a whole was living out the ideals laid down at the nation’s founding. Thus, individual action affected the morality of all of society. This adds an extra dimension to personal morality and increases the importance given to individual actions as they both affect and provide a model for a larger American culture.

October 29, 2013

The Second Great Awakening

A recurring theme in American history seems to be a struggle between the individualism and freedom of the majority’s Christian faith and the oppression and exclusion often imposed upon members of society. The Second Great Awakening is a prefect example of this dichotomy. At first, the religious movement espoused connection with God for all individuals and even at times an outright rejection of slavery. These radical convictions, however, slowly transformed to an acceptance of slavery and instead formed a basis for the treatment of the enslaved rather than a protection for their freedom. Slavery, at this time, was certainly a reality that had to be faced but instead of addressing these issues on their own terms the evangelists seemed to bow to a status quo and adapt their ideologies to the institution of slavery. An earlier post this week observed that slaveholders “held ‘good’ Christian values, and wanted to save souls by spreading the faith. Southerners likely struggled to marry these ideological and religious beliefs to the institution of slavery.” This conflict is demonstrated in the transition from an early inclusion of slaves in the evangelical conversions to their exclusion from the movement. This change was largely motivated by a fear of solidarity and unity among the slave community that might lead to rebellion. The new evangelical movement moved beyond their original intentions on more issues than simply slavery, however. The Second Great Awakening began with an effort to include all those typically excluded from American society. Wilentz gives examples of how the movement made efforts to include “farmer and factory workers” (141) and allowed men of such simple origins to become “central figures of religious life” (142). This attempt at inclusion, however, moved from voluntary to mandated when the evangelists became involved in politics. They tried to permeate all aspects of government oversight with religious values from evangelical political parties to banning of mail on Sundays. Thus, America was faced with the dilemma of being struck with religious fervor and trying to balance that Christian passion with an effort to exclude some groups and involuntarily force it on others.

October 27, 2013

Political Turmoil

It often seems as though the current political climate is the height of inefficiency and divisiveness. This, however, is wildly inaccurate, as the American government has been divided along party and geographic lines since its creation. One of the issues that created the worst rifts in the early nation was slavery. Many of the same arguments that occur today were just as present hundreds of years ago. Politicians argued over the intentions of the Constitution and the scope of national government. They refused to cooperate and took steps to secure their own self-interests over national good. Although the terms of the argument have certainly changed, we no longer debate the legality of slavery or property requirements for suffrage, today’s political fights are just as fierce and contentious as they were during the Missouri controversy. In addition, just as is done today the fundamental principles of America such as freedom and individuality were used to support a wide range of positions that often contradicted each other in their employment of these ideals. This, some would say, leads to slaveholders’ need to be beloved by their slaves. This is touched on in the Paternalism in the American South post, which posits that the disparity between American conceptions of freedom and the injustice of slavery creates the paternalistic attitude asserted by proponents of slavery. Even more interesting is the “necessary evil” approach to the slavery issue. Just as today many admit that the environment is a growing moral and practical issue, some choose to push the issue off as a necessary evil for growth and progress. As soon as we, as a society and a nation, transcend one issue, another arises. Thus, just as the country was engaged in political turmoil in the 1800’s and is still today, there will probably still be political debates another two hundred years from now. The strength of the American political system is its ability to survive political fads and stand as a framework for political progress at any point in its history.

October 22, 2013

A Mastodon America

Prominent early Americans, such as Peale and Jefferson, have been criticized for their unscientific –like behavior regarding the discovery of and research on the mastodon. Peale overlooked some fact and aspects of scientific process in his excitement over his specimen and Jefferson certainly abandoned some practicality as he wholeheartedly embraced the creature as a “monarch of the past.” It seems to me, however, that their grasp on the reality of the extinct animal is not important at all. Neither are the true facts about the mastodon. The importance of the mastodon comes in the meaning it was able to take on and its role as a symbol of the new American republic. Semonin touches on this concept when he discusses the founding fathers’ emphasis on the fact that the mastodon could certainly beat the British lion in a fight. The mastodon was at the height of its infamy at a time when the nation needed a powerful symbol. The country was in political turmoil and the world did not seem sure if America could make it on its own. The mastodon served as a symbol of strength and power that was unique to North America.

It is interesting, however, that the mastodon has not survived as a symbol of America. Semonin admits that the extinct animal never surpassed the bald eagle in terms of symbolic value but the mastodon fell from such a place of prominence to relative obscurity. Perhaps the fact that the animal is extinct played a role in this but this is also where scientific accuracy does play a role. The symbolism of the mastodon was built on incorrect information and as the country matured and developed this first try at national pride and unity was left behind for more concrete symbols such as the eagle. Just because the mastodon did not last, however, does not make it irrelevant to our nation’s history despite its anonymity today.

This search for an American identity separate from that of Europe, personified by the mastodon, carries on past the era of Peale and Jefferson into the following century. Both Calhoun and Clay worked to separate America both politically and economically from England. They sought to remove barriers imposed by Britain on American trade in order to increase economic growth as well as overcome the sentiment in some American politicians that America depended upon connections to Great Britain for its prosperity. This increasing tension and American desire to separate from Great Britain led to the War of 1812 in which, metaphorically, the American mastodon did in fact defeat the British lion.

September 24, 2013

Revivals and Revolution

Revivals and the evangelical movement seem to be full of contradictions. They advocates for a helplessness before God and argues that the only path to salvation was through God’s bestowal of grace. Evangelists also, however, insisted that followers relied on preachers for guidance and engaged in moral behavior to be reborn. While promoting ethical lifestyles is certainly not bad, it goes against the teaching that access to heaven is not contingent upon human behavior. Contradiction is also apparent in the Baptists that dominated Southern revivals. Baptists outwardly appeared somber and restrained but also engaged in wild religious gatherings that emphasized emotions and physical touch. This contrast in different areas of evangelists’ lives and teachings was perhaps to be expected and it is hard for a movement to sustain either pure emotional enthusiasm or total somberness. Human nature requires balance, which, while offered in extremes in the evangelical revivals is what allowed this movement to create a lasting legacy.

This movement also made an impact beyond the scope of religion. As colonists separated themselves from the Anglican church, they created their own identities that were distinct from the mother country. Evangelism emphasized a direct relationship with God that did not require the formality and hierarchy required in the Anglican church. This is interesting in that the English broke with the Catholic Church, at least nominally, for many of these same reasons. Colonists developed a sense of self distinct from an identity as an English subject. While religious revival is certainly not the main cause of rebellion agains Europe nor one that people of the day would have pointed to, it can be seen as the beginnings of an American identity that leads to the strains of conflict discussed in Sylvia’s blog post. Perhaps, the colonists were only willing to compare French colonialism with that of their own homeland because of an increased individualism. This argument may be a stretch but I think it is one worth considering when examining the shift in colonial mindset that eventually led to American independence.

September 9, 2013

Week Three Reading

One of the points I found most interesting in this week’s reading came in the first few pages of the chapter. David Brion Davis discusses, for a few lines, the term “black” itself. He cuts the moral complexity of European colonization and African slavery down to a single word. While this is certainly not all encompassing, a closer look at the racial label is representative of larger issues and discussions of the topic. Davis brings up “depictions of black demons, devils, and torturers” that were common in Europe when the term was introduced. Thus, through the labeling of the victims of their racial subjugation as black, Europeans were “creating a perception of the ultimate Outsiders.” Modern conversations about race still discuss the use of “black” as a racial identification. While some argue for the use of the term African American as more politically correct alternative, others feel that this separates black Americans from their national identity by also linking them to Africa. Regardless, this still leaves a gap in labeling people of non-African origin and non-Americans. This is also relevant to our discussion in class of the labeling of Native Americans as Indians or American Indians. The fundamental issue in these labels, both black and Native American, is that white Europeans imposed them upon a group of people in order to differentiate them from themselves, the white elite. Although Davis only touches on this issue briefly, it is a fascinating one that is as relevant today as it was in Medieval Europe.

In addition, Davis’ discussion of the changes that European workers underwent as a result of the Atlantic slave trade reminded me of Sylvia’s post from last week. She talked about history as multiple story lines, not simply as one person or group’s experience. The fact that European workers changed their wage expectations and workplace standards because they desired New World products made available by the slave trade is a unique perspective on the issue. Slavery did not only affect the Africans kidnapped from their homes and the white masters in the Americas. It also changed the way people lived in Europe.

September 4, 2013

Week Two Response

Taylor organizes his discussion of the colonization of the New World by European country. He deals with the Spanish, the French, and the Dutch as separate entities, combining his discussion of them only when the Europeans interact in the course of their colonizing. This certainly makes his text easy to read and understand, and is even what one might expect from a textbook entitled American Colonies. This fulfillment of expectation, however, is the cause of my disappointment. Until this point Taylor has defied cultural stereotypes of American history by turning the tables and approaching the issue of colonization from a Native American standpoint. I am sure that American Indians were aware of political differences among Europeans but to a certain extent, it seems to me, that to the American Indians, one white European invading their land was not too different from the next.

Taylor returned to a more traditional approach to history in these chapters instead of continuing his trend of discussing events from the unsuccessful side. He certainly has good motives for sacrificing some of his political correctness and moral high ground. He gains clarity and straightforward organization, which he may have lost in a discussion that simply lumped all colonizers together and examined them from a Native American standpoint.

This change in technique, however, does not cause Taylor to completely abandon his interest in revealing the strength and power of Native Americans. As Jennifer points out in her post, Taylor asserts several times that in modern-day Canada the American Indians seemed to run the show. They negotiated prices and took advantage of French traders instead of the other way around. Thus, Taylor has not left his sense of responsibility for telling an unconventional story completely behind. He simply seems to have wavered slightly more towards the commonplace approach to history.

August 30, 2013

Week One Reading Response

In his introduction, Taylor recognizes the conventional approach to understanding early American history and does not discard this narrative as completely invalid. He does, however, offer a more sophisticated view of North American colonization. I found his discussion of the role of racism in colonization particularly interesting. Taylor suggests that the oppressive racial roles inflicted on Native and African Americans were not pre-meditated but were in fact created through the colonial process. He points to a rise in white solidarity among European colonists as both an effect of the new work force found among racial minorities and the need to unite a white military as well as a cause of the subjugation of minorities. Even more interesting, however, is that he argues that the freedoms and rights so idealized as the foundations of our diverse American society are also offshoots of this racism. As white solidarity increased, Taylor says, the white elite was forced to offer more political and social freedom to lower class whites.

Taylor’s discussion of Native Americans was equally as interesting. He uses the term colonization to describe the migration across the land bridge from Asia into North America but also depicts this momentous incident as more of an accident than an earth-changing event. This casual discovery of America stands in sharp contrast to the usual fanfare and glorification that surrounds Columbus’ arrival in the “New World.” His notes on agriculture also challenged many common beliefs. The Agricultural Revolution marks the change in periods of human history and is generally thought of as one of the key factors that allowed modern culture and civilization to develop. Taylor, however, points out many of the downfalls of the agricultural system such as decrease in biodiversity, increased stress on the environment, and greater opportunity for the spread of communicable disease. Taylor backs up his claims with archeological evidence. His descriptions of the proof for his arguments were almost as comprehensive as his arguments themselves. He explains the archeological discoveries in terms of the tools and keepsakes found with the bodies that demonstrate gender roles as well as the physical characteristics that point to diet and tendencies towards violence.

In both of these sections, Taylor challenges customary and straightforward conceptions of early America. The differences in these readings stem from the differences in each of their purposes. The introduction seeks to explain the author’s purpose in writingAmerican Colonies while the first chapter includes more detail and is more focused on describing specific aspects of a culture rather than providing a broad overview of all the time periods the book covers.

Agricultural Revolution, Colonization, Native American