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By Alec
Alec Custer
2/17/15
HIS 245 Shrout
Group A: Historiography
“Working with Networks”
Writing about the Communities and Celebrities of the American Revolution
Only during the last decade has the term “social network” entered the public vernacular as a moniker for websites like Facebook, Twitter, and MySpace that connect people online. Social networks more broadly, however, have been an area of interest for historians, sociologists, and scholars of other disciplines for much longer. In their essay “Network Analysis, Culture, and the Problem of Agency”, Mustafa Emirbayer and Jeff Goodwin describe network analysis in the context of academia as “a broad strategy for investigating social structure … [which] rejects all attempts to explain human behavior or social processes solely in terms of the categorical attributes of actors … [and] directs attention exclusively to the overall structure of network ties.”[1] Unsurprisingly, a “broad strategy” lends itself to a broad range of applicability; just one of the myriad historical subjects of network analysis thus far has been the American Revolution. In this essay, I aim to use two applications of network analysis to this very field in conjunction with Emirbayer and Goodwin’s critique of this “broad strategy” to piece together an understanding of the state of modern studies of the American Revolution, namely those which feature social networks as their primary framework.
Though Michael Warner’s 1986 piece “Franklin and the Letters of the Republic” does not explicitly mention or apply the method of network analysis, it is nonetheless an investigation into the webs of communication that catalyzed and facilitated the American Revolution. Warner zooms in upon the community of politically influential male colonists whose shared writings constitute the “republic of letters”, and places founding father Benjamin Franklin at the center of the network. In focusing on Franklin’s actions and motivations in particular, Warner addresses and perhaps overcompensates for what Emirbayer and Goodwin will claim in 1994 to be the major weakness of network analysis: accounting for agency. The two authors point out that networks, in their focus on the patterns of relationships formed by individuals, ignore the fact that “agency and structure interpenetrate with one another in all individual units (as well as complexes) of empirical action”.[2] They cite two watershed moments in American sociology, the first being a post-1940s transition from focusing on the social group to focusing on the individual, and the second a much more recent redirection of attention back from the personal to the systemic.[3] Warner’s writing on Benjamin Franklin’s figurehead status within the Republic of Letters strikes me as caught in-between these two turning points. On one hand, Warner’s ultimate goal is to position Franklin as an ideal “man of letters” acting within the “republic of letters”, which is in itself an acknowledgment of Franklin’s role within a network of communication whose influence surpassed even this founding father’s. At the same time, Warner puts the spotlight so directly on Franklin that in the process of establishing the importance of a single node, he largely dismisses the other, surrounding nodes. Warner thus addresses, a limited degree, Emirbayer and Goodwin’s concern for the agency of individuals in networks, but limits himself to the agency of single actor rather than that of the whole cast. Such an approach is perhaps indicative of the transformations taking place within the field at the time of Warner’s writing (and which are still continuing today), toward a perspective in which the individual’s role must be weighed against the role of the various systems of which he or she was a member.
A much more recent piece by Kieran Healy demonstrates what may be the product of Emirbayer and Goodwin’s “second watershed.” In his blog post “Using Metadata to find Paul Revere”, Healy directly utilizes the quantitative tools of network analysis, in this case to generate data showing the connectedness of revolutionaries based on co-memberships in various organizations.[4] Though Healy does end up arguing that Paul Revere was one of the key players of the American Revolution based on his high marks on tests of network centrality, his post is actually more of a showcase of the utility of metadata and network analysis for studying both individuals and groups. Healy emphasizes both the promises and pitfalls of using a simple table of memberships, a mere “sliver of metadata”, to conjure “a social network between individuals, a sense of the degree of connection between organizations, and some strong hints of who the key players are [in the network.]”.[5] Healy’s cautiously optimistic treatment of methods of network analysis is crucial, for it reveals that even almost three decades since Warner’s article, the proper usage of social networks in studying the American Revolution and history in general is still being negotiated. Healy’s treatment of Paul Revere as not the but an important figure does suggest at least a minor shift away from Warner’s own Franklin-centric interpretation, and perhaps toward a more dualistic view of the Revolution as a product of both powerful individuals and equally powerful organizations. Emirbayer and Goodwin actually point to this compromise as one of the strengths of network analysis, for it acknowledges that “individual and group behavior … cannot be fully understood independently of one another” and works to “bridge the ‘micro-macro gap’” between micro- and macro-sociology.[6]
It should be noted, though, that the entire purpose of Healy’s network analysis (aside from just demonstrating its power) was not to draw conclusions about the network as a whole but to identify Paul Revere as a central node. The tendency amongst historians to look for “power players” in networks and communities, while on the decline, doesn’t seem to have died out yet. This very tendency, which I learned in the process of writing this paper is more formally known as “great man theory”[7], has dominated my own interpretation of the American Revolution. Throughout elementary, middle, and high school my instructors and textbooks have focused on the bigwigs: Washington and Jefferson, Franklin and Revere, Adams and Hancock. However, the three writings which have fueled the analysis of this essay suggest that support for the “great man theory”, while still prominent, may be waning – or at least that its scope must soon make space for “great networks”, as well.
[1] Emirbayer, Mustafa, and Jeff Goodwin. 1994. ‘Network Analysis, Culture, And The Problem Of Agency’. American Journal Of Sociology 99 (6), 1414. [2] Emirbayer and Goodwin, 1443-1444. [3] Emirbayer and Goodwin, 1416-1417. [4] Healy, Kieran. 2013. ‘Using Metadata To Find Paul Revere’. Kieranhealy.Org. http://kieranhealy.org/blog/archives/2013/06/09/using-metadata-to-find-paul-revere/. [5] Healy. [6] 1417-1418. [7] Dictionary.com, s.v. “Great Man Theory,” accessed February 16, 2015, http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/great%20man%20theory.Works Cited
Dictionary.com, s.v. “Great Man Theory,” accessed February 16, 2015, http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/great%20man%20theory.
Emirbayer, Mustafa, and Jeff Goodwin. 1994. ‘Network Analysis, Culture, And The Problem Of Agency’. American Journal Of Sociology 99 (6).
Healy, Kieran. 2013. ‘Using Metadata To Find Paul Revere’. Kieranhealy.Org. http://kieranhealy.org/blog/archives/2013/06/09/using-metadata-to-find-paul-revere/.
Warner, Michael. 1986. ‘Franklin And The Letters Of The Republic’. Representations 16 (1).




