Haiti's Influence: Real or Perceived?


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In “The Roots of Early Black Nationalism,” Sara Fanning aims to argue that Haiti “played a far greater role in the cultural and political activities of northern free blacks than historians previously credited.” (Fanning)  Although she provides extensive support to the measures taken by Haitian officials to cater to the Free African American population in the United States, she does not give adequate evidence that these actions led to real influence in the United States.  She spends most of her time describing reasons as to why her claims would be supported, but not enough concrete evidence to African American reactions to her specific reasons.

 

After the Haitian Revolution, Fanning portrays Haiti as an attractive place for African Americans to reside.  The Constitution provided for equality, banned white ownership of plantations, and the country was characterized by a military presence, demonstrating their willingness to defend their newfound freedom.  After the revolution and stints of civil war, however, Haiti needed more people if it was going to be able to survive economically; it was already difficult enough as many countries refused to recognize their independence.  It was for this reason that officials were often sent to the states to recruit for Haitian immigration, official declarations made that would be published in black newspapers in the US, and even the constitution modeled after that of the United States (although this was probably not for publicity reasons, it came to be used as one.)

 

Fanning gives plenty of reasons for Haiti to be attractive to African Americans, and that these qualities were made apparent, but rarely gives specific examples of how the African American population felt about them.  She often uses language such as “would not have gone unnoticed” or “must have been welcomed” in an attempt to give the nationalist movement relevance, but these are simply assumptions.  She is able to show that emigration occurred after some publicity attempts, but a connection with her specific examples is not clearly shown.  The most relevant exception would be the naming of the Boyer Masonic Lodge in New York, but even then she mentions he failed to bring the expected number of migrants.

 

This is not to discredit Fanning’s article, as there is valuable information.  I simply feel that her Abstract does not match the content of her article, and a change in thesis could greater reflect the evidence given.

 

As seen in Eli’s post, much of our knowledge of slavery we see as conventional, something everyone learns about throughout their education.  We often find, though, that much of what we learn is not the entire truth, and we can be misled.  I feel like Fanning plays on our natural inclination to trust a historian, as without careful reading much of the assumptions she makes in her article could be accepted as fact.  It is important as young historians ourselves to always be aware of what we are reading and how evidence can be skewed or misleading.

Not Free Yet


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Reid’s analysis provided a far more detailed analysis of a specific incident and area that of Genovese, and successfully navigates and explains the complex political framework that dealt with runaway and freed slaves in Maryland and Pennsylvania. Moreover, while Genovese posits revolution as the ultimate form of resistance in slave communities, Reid explores personal struggles and resistances to slavery in the form seeking freedom by fleeing to free territories.  However, as Reid clearly articulates the struggle for freedom did not end upon reaching the north or even being freed by one’s master, the struggle was perpetual and later compounded by the decision in Prigg v. Pennsylvania. I think her engagement free African-Americans continued experience with slavery provided a different perspective on the issue of slavery and contributes to a more complete assessment of slavery’s far-reaching effects in United States society prior to the Civil War.

While I agree with Wade’s assessment that an additive element of laymen perspective would have made the piece more complete, I don’t think that the goal that Reid sought to accomplish. Rather, I believe her focus revolved around the legislative and judicial history of slavery in Pennsylvania and Maryland. Although there are certainly more aspects to explore in the story that Reid laid out, I did not find the introduction to history of litigation on slavery and its development superfluous and helped paint a more complete picture of what she sought to depict.

Resisting Slavery


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I think this Tuesday’s readings certainly differed from the readings of the previous week on Cherokee women but each provided valuable information on different aspects of slaves’ experience in the Americas. I’m going to begin with Genovese’s chapter Slave Revolts in Hemispheric Perspective because it is easier to tie into last week’s reading. Genovese does a good job highlighting some of the major differences that allowed for large-scale slave revolutions in some areas of the Atlantic and explaining why such revolutions were not as prominent in other areas. While Genovese certainly approached the issue from a Marxist angle, she engaged other societal constructs in a meaningful manner: the shooting ability of white militias in the United States, the population ratios within a given community, and exploring how varying religious beliefs influenced behavior. Situating slave rebellions within the concept of class struggle sets the stage for rebellion, proceeding to use secondary factors as either additive or subtractive elements towards slaves’ tendency towards revolution made it a more complete piece than I expected when I read the phrase “worldwide capitalist production”(1). My only criticism is the thing that ties Genovese’s work to last week’s readings. My issue is that she focuses almost exclusively on the African influences in slave culture and lacks a discourse on contributions from enslaved Native Americans. Moreover, given the importance of women in Cherokee communities and the enslavement of some Cherokee women, her study also fails to engage gender as a contributing factor in rebellion.

Reid’s analysis provided a far more detailed analysis of a specific incident and area that of Genovese, and successfully navigates and explains the complex political framework that dealt with runaway and freed slaves in Maryland and Pennsylvania. Moreover, while Genovese posits revolution as the ultimate form of resistance in slave communities, Reid explores personal struggles and resistances to slavery in the form seeking freedom by fleeing to free territories.  However, as Reid clearly articulates the struggle for freedom did not end upon reaching the north or even being freed by one’s master, the struggle was perpetual and later compounded by the decision in Prigg v. Pennsylvania. I think her engagement free African-Americans continued experience with slavery provided a different perspective on the issue of slavery and contributes to a more complete assessment of slavery’s far-reaching effects in United States society prior to the Civil War.