People should not be afraid of their governments; governments should be afraid of their people.


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For me, it was easy to assume that banning the trans-Atlantic slave trade was a moral act, fought for by the noble abolitionists as a first step toward ending slavery. My assumption, though perhaps part of the reason for such an act, was not comprehensive: in “Slave Revolts in Hemispheric Perspective” from “From Rebellion to Revolution” by Eugene Genovese, he suggests that the end of the trans-Atlantic slave trade was, partially, a tactical move on the part of slaveholders to avoid more slave revolts. He points out that slave populations in the American south were already significant and were growing, so slaveholders felt no need for imported slaves. Significantly, however, he points out that imported slaves were more likely to incite rebellion than those that had been suppressed for a l0ng time.

The presence of imported African slaves, however, is not the only reason that slaves might revolt, as Genovese makes clear in his overview of slave revolts and the causes. Though likely not, it feels comprehensive; he mentions causes such as the presence of skilled laborers, slave’s knowledge of firearms, large and concentrated slave populations, real or expected political alliances with other groups or states, religion (especially Islam), and enlightenment ideologies as factors that might foment revolt. Furthermore, he discusses the ways in which white populations might affect the possibility of a slave revolt: the white populations familiarity with firearms, and their access to local and federal militias; the size of the white population compared with the black one; political rhetoric at the elite level, and the discussion of it around the slaves; black expectations about the duration of their enslavement.

CT mentions that he believes that slaves’ ability to use firearms was an insignificant element in determining whether or not slaves would revolt. I believe he is correct–many of these causes by themselves are insignificant. Furthermore, he is also correct in a practical sense: a few single-shot muskets would not turn the tide of battle. I believe, however, that there is a certain psychological element that accompanies the use of firearms, and–though insignificant in the course of battle itself–I believe this would potentially have a large impact on whether or not slaves revolted. Especially, I think, in the American south, since I believe there is a psychological value to meeting your enemy on the field of battle with a parity of technology, and southerners were often heavily armed and trained in the use of firearms.

I also appreciate Genovese’s placement of slave revolt within a broader context. As he writes, slave revolts “contributed toward the radical though still bourgeoisie movement for freedom, equality and democracy, while they foreshadowed the movement against capitalism itself” (2). It is logical that slavery would arise within a capitalistic mindset, as the owners of capital can avoid dealing with labor at all, and simply make labor part of their capital. Luckily, our consciences have pulled us beyond this abhorrent form of torture, and yet, make no mistake that every capitalists attempts to lower wages and shut out unions, reduce benefits and privatize education, are intended to push the working class back toward the dehumanization of slavery, in which the labor (barely) survives and the capitalists reap the benefits.

A Hopeless Situation for the Hopeful


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I thoroughly enjoyed Eugene Genovese’s writing about Slave Revolts and his conclusions and justification for his conclusions are quite plausible. Although Ian does a fine job of hashing out some of Eugene’s points, I’m going to disagree a bit on the hierarchy of importance for a slave revolt. While I can understand the importance of knowing how to fire a single shot rifle during a violent revolt, I’m not convinced this lack of knowledge played a huge factor in discouraging slaves from revolting. The vast numerical advantage of whites over blacks created an insurmountable obstacle for those revolting. Guns or no-guns, blacks knew that whites dominated 18th and 19th century America with more freedom (obviously), but also greater numbers. Only two states, South Carolina and Mississippi, witnessed a higher percentage of blacks over whites and even these states maintained a total population with 52-57% slaves (15). Furthermore, Genovese compares the concentration of slaves in the South with that of other British colonies. I think he should have expanded on this point even more than he did because the massive, stereotypical plantation contained a small percentage of the nation’s slaves. Half of slaves worked on farms, probably working alongside their yeoman farmer master, while another quarter lived on plantations of fifty or less (11). Using British Guinea as a case study, blacks outnumbered whites 9 to 1 and I’ve read in other works that the treatment of slaves in the Caribbean far surpassed that of the United States in hostility and violence. The slaves in America were extremely valuable and masters saw senseless violence as a detriment to their financial stance. A prime male field hand was worth close to $600,000 in 2007 dollars {Hugh Rockoff and Gary M. Walton, History of the American Economy, 11th edition, (Cengage Learning: Mason, OH, 2010), 231}. As we’ve discussed earlier in class, the mob influence can be very powerful, but only works with a large group of people. Hence power in numbers.  So, when the most support a revolting party can gather is 500 (using the largest figure Genovese provides although he believes the Louisiana revolt was closer to 180) against an entire controlling population, the revolt is doomed to fail.

Perhaps the most astounding aspect of Genovese’s research was how often slaves viewed emancipation as just around the river bend (I hope you’re all singing the Pocahontas song right now http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4DE5a80I8EU). Slaves around the globe felt that the king or ruling faction had actually freed them, yet their master refused to acknowledge this emancipation. To paraphrase Genovese, one is going to act more rationally if there’s a glimmer of hope at the end of the tunnel. Only when backed into a corner of suffering did slaves consider revolt a more practical option.

When You Play the Game of Revolts, You Win or You Die


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In Eugene Genovese’s detailed, strategic chapter “Slave Revolts in Hemispheric Perspective,” rebelling slaves in the Western Hemisphere are portrayed as black Davids attempting to slay the well-armed, well-funded, white Goliaths. These rebels risked it all for a shot at freedom- they typically have few supplies, few allies, and little detailed intelligence about their foes. However, as Michael wrote earlier today, not all rebelling slaves had equal chances of success, as “major differences” separated the regions that could support broad slave revolts from those that could not. The rebellious slaves of the Caribbean and South America had a slim, but viable, chance of victory thanks to volatile island diplomacy and their vast outnumbering of the white captors. Bands of guerrilla runaways, known as maroons, would harass the colonizing classes and form their own communities based on traditional African culture. (3) However, the slave ringleaders of the British Colonies and United States faced an even more stacked deck. Due to the large number of whites, the paternalist slave society, and the white public’s horrific fear of slave uprisings, Genovese surmises that all revolts planned by black slaves in the United States were doomed to fail.

Genovese goes into extensive, if not overreaching, detail concerning the slave revolts of the Caribbean from 1500 to 1900 (including Latin America, Brazil, and Guiana). The European powers viewed these colonies less as opportunities for colonial resettlement and more as possibilities of wealth and mercantile prestige through sugar cultivation. These “thoroughly bourgeois” colonies generally contained a small amount of white businessmen and a large number of black slaves (mostly African-born) who worked under pitiful conditions in the sugar fields. (2) The Pan-African identity, supported by sheer numbers and the natural island geography, encouraged dozens and dozens of revolts throughout the Indies and the mainland. The runaways who survived the initial outbreak became formidable adversaries, forming themselves into guerilla armies. They sometimes gained support and protection from nations at war with their owners, augmenting their political clout as independent bodies. However, these successes were few and far between- many European nations allied amongst themselves to assist each other in putting down slave revolts and suppressing conspiracies as statements of their dominance over the region. (21)

The circumstances of rebellion in the United States made a slave revolt a difficult proposition, with American slaveholders “in a position of unusual strength”. (23) The Americanization of slavery after the abolition of slave importation created a more paternalistic culture, with traditional African identity losing its strength in the nineteenth century, especially compared to that of the Caribbean. The population balance simply did not favor the rebels, nor did the geography support the thought of a guerilla war. While his citations are not provided, it is evident that Genovese focused on utilizing the dialogue of both slave leaders and ordinary slaves in his analysis of the revolts. He claims that many slaves deemed the proposition of revolt to be suicidal, and wonders how they had any uprisings at all. (50) To Genovese, Nat Turner, Denmark Vesey, and Gabriel Prosser were a radical minority while most slaves “shifted away from revolt to other forms of resistance”. (49) While Genovese chronicles the ill-fated rebels in detail and scope, he fails to analyze what this alternative resistance might be, and therefore fails to answer an important question: Did American slaves have any political speech beyond violence? In my opinion, slaves played an instrumental role in the economic, religious, and cultural development of the African-American identity; for that, I believe the answer is yes.