People should not be afraid of their governments; governments should be afraid of their people.


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For me, it was easy to assume that banning the trans-Atlantic slave trade was a moral act, fought for by the noble abolitionists as a first step toward ending slavery. My assumption, though perhaps part of the reason for such an act, was not comprehensive: in “Slave Revolts in Hemispheric Perspective” from “From Rebellion to Revolution” by Eugene Genovese, he suggests that the end of the trans-Atlantic slave trade was, partially, a tactical move on the part of slaveholders to avoid more slave revolts. He points out that slave populations in the American south were already significant and were growing, so slaveholders felt no need for imported slaves. Significantly, however, he points out that imported slaves were more likely to incite rebellion than those that had been suppressed for a l0ng time.

The presence of imported African slaves, however, is not the only reason that slaves might revolt, as Genovese makes clear in his overview of slave revolts and the causes. Though likely not, it feels comprehensive; he mentions causes such as the presence of skilled laborers, slave’s knowledge of firearms, large and concentrated slave populations, real or expected political alliances with other groups or states, religion (especially Islam), and enlightenment ideologies as factors that might foment revolt. Furthermore, he discusses the ways in which white populations might affect the possibility of a slave revolt: the white populations familiarity with firearms, and their access to local and federal militias; the size of the white population compared with the black one; political rhetoric at the elite level, and the discussion of it around the slaves; black expectations about the duration of their enslavement.

CT mentions that he believes that slaves’ ability to use firearms was an insignificant element in determining whether or not slaves would revolt. I believe he is correct–many of these causes by themselves are insignificant. Furthermore, he is also correct in a practical sense: a few single-shot muskets would not turn the tide of battle. I believe, however, that there is a certain psychological element that accompanies the use of firearms, and–though insignificant in the course of battle itself–I believe this would potentially have a large impact on whether or not slaves revolted. Especially, I think, in the American south, since I believe there is a psychological value to meeting your enemy on the field of battle with a parity of technology, and southerners were often heavily armed and trained in the use of firearms.

I also appreciate Genovese’s placement of slave revolt within a broader context. As he writes, slave revolts “contributed toward the radical though still bourgeoisie movement for freedom, equality and democracy, while they foreshadowed the movement against capitalism itself” (2). It is logical that slavery would arise within a capitalistic mindset, as the owners of capital can avoid dealing with labor at all, and simply make labor part of their capital. Luckily, our consciences have pulled us beyond this abhorrent form of torture, and yet, make no mistake that every capitalists attempts to lower wages and shut out unions, reduce benefits and privatize education, are intended to push the working class back toward the dehumanization of slavery, in which the labor (barely) survives and the capitalists reap the benefits.

A Detailed Look at the Reasons For Slaves to Revolt


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Eugene Genovese’s “Slave Revolts in Hemispheric Perspective” is a detailed analysis of why slave revolts in the Old South were much rarer than in other slave-holding areas.  It is clear that Eugene is very well-versed on slave revolts and his research appears to be immense.  I enjoyed how he approached the question of why large-scale slave revolts occurred in some areas, but not others.  He provided several conditions that made slave revolts more favorable such as blacks outnumbering whites, economic struggles, the number of slaves approaching two hundred per farm, and political instability among the ruling class.  Next, Genovese explores some of these conditions in particular and describes how specific situations accentuated his points.

I particularly liked how Genovese described how political divisions could affect the potential for slave revolts.  Genovese showed how the United States (specifically the elite Southern slave holders) held the appearance of one big unified structure.  While European countries were constantly at war with each other (which dictated that they turn their enemies’ slaves against them), the United States was on the other side of the Atlantic with a centralized government capital located far north.  I just think that this reasoning was very effective because it showed a major contrast between the American states and the European powers that struggled to keep slave revolts down.

I also thought that Genovese’s analysis of the leaders of the major slave-revolts in the U.S. was strong.  He took us into the minds and backgrounds of Denmark Vesey, Gabriel Prosser, and Nat Turner.  He showed why each was fit as a slave-revolt leader.  Vesey, in particular, had the credentials to lead.  He spoke several languages, was well read politically, he had an outstanding group of men directly below his command, and had visited many countries while he was still a slave.  Genovese did a good job of showing how these men were qualified to lead, which then made me realize that the lack of slave revolts may be due to a lack of these over-qualified leaders.

Genovese mentions the slaves’ religion a few times throughout the piece.  He does an excellent job of explaining how the American slaves developed their own sort of Christianity that did not exactly promote rebellions.  The slaves morphed their traditional African folk beliefs into a new Christianity of “love and mutual support,” that emphasized their value as human beings and encouraged an attitude of survival.

Overall, I think that Genovese’s article was detailed and explained exceedingly well.  I do not think that his organization was first-rate, but once I followed where he was going, I bought his arguments.

Ian Solcz (Rochester, NY) makes an interesting point at the end of his post next week.  He compares and contrasts white and black rebellions and revolutions that we have studied thus far in class.  I think he touches on an excellent point of freedom of speech.  Slaves lacked the freedom to speak out against their condition, which is obviously a severe handicap for them.  Yet, Ian says that their only option left to speak out was through rebellion.  While rebelling was probably the most obvious and effective way, I believe that there were other things that slaves could do as well.  Teaching each other to read and write, slowing down their pace of work, and organizing networks of communication with other slaves are just a few things that they could do to fight back.  Ian makes a good point, I just think that there were more options (not great options though), than he lets on to.