A Hopeless Situation for the Hopeful


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I thoroughly enjoyed Eugene Genovese’s writing about Slave Revolts and his conclusions and justification for his conclusions are quite plausible. Although Ian does a fine job of hashing out some of Eugene’s points, I’m going to disagree a bit on the hierarchy of importance for a slave revolt. While I can understand the importance of knowing how to fire a single shot rifle during a violent revolt, I’m not convinced this lack of knowledge played a huge factor in discouraging slaves from revolting. The vast numerical advantage of whites over blacks created an insurmountable obstacle for those revolting. Guns or no-guns, blacks knew that whites dominated 18th and 19th century America with more freedom (obviously), but also greater numbers. Only two states, South Carolina and Mississippi, witnessed a higher percentage of blacks over whites and even these states maintained a total population with 52-57% slaves (15). Furthermore, Genovese compares the concentration of slaves in the South with that of other British colonies. I think he should have expanded on this point even more than he did because the massive, stereotypical plantation contained a small percentage of the nation’s slaves. Half of slaves worked on farms, probably working alongside their yeoman farmer master, while another quarter lived on plantations of fifty or less (11). Using British Guinea as a case study, blacks outnumbered whites 9 to 1 and I’ve read in other works that the treatment of slaves in the Caribbean far surpassed that of the United States in hostility and violence. The slaves in America were extremely valuable and masters saw senseless violence as a detriment to their financial stance. A prime male field hand was worth close to $600,000 in 2007 dollars {Hugh Rockoff and Gary M. Walton, History of the American Economy, 11th edition, (Cengage Learning: Mason, OH, 2010), 231}. As we’ve discussed earlier in class, the mob influence can be very powerful, but only works with a large group of people. Hence power in numbers.  So, when the most support a revolting party can gather is 500 (using the largest figure Genovese provides although he believes the Louisiana revolt was closer to 180) against an entire controlling population, the revolt is doomed to fail.

Perhaps the most astounding aspect of Genovese’s research was how often slaves viewed emancipation as just around the river bend (I hope you’re all singing the Pocahontas song right now http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4DE5a80I8EU). Slaves around the globe felt that the king or ruling faction had actually freed them, yet their master refused to acknowledge this emancipation. To paraphrase Genovese, one is going to act more rationally if there’s a glimmer of hope at the end of the tunnel. Only when backed into a corner of suffering did slaves consider revolt a more practical option.

Tension in an Unfree Society


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In “Reading the Runaways,” David Waldstreicher shows us how early America was structured in a hierarchy based on what degree of freedom a person had. Obviously, a wealthy white male would be an example of someone who was completely free while an African slave would be at the other end of that spectrum. However, people like indentured servants or slaves of mixed race (who would therefore be lighter skinned and more able to “pass” as white should they escape) would fall somewhere in between the two. Waldstreicher discusses how some slaves, especially more skilled ones, were allowed to go out and seek their own work, giving them a certain degree of freedom, and also making the possibility of escape more likely.
Waldstreicher talks about how unfree people who escaped would try and pass themselves off as free by imitating a more free type of person by taking on the specific qualities of a more free person, such as different clothing, hairstyle, and emphasis on any valuable skills they may have possessed. Slave owners knew this, and therefore any ads for runaway slaves would point out what clothes they were thought to have, their skills, and a multitude of other things aside from their bare-bones physical appearance. Waldstreicher paints a picture, therefore, of an uneasy world in which Americans were constantly on the lookout of anyone suspicious who may be passing themselves off as a more “free” person than they really are. By observing those around them and looking for signs that a person may in fact be “unfree,” the free people exerted a certain kind of power over the unfree in their watchfulness. In his post for this week, Ian Solcz discusses that idea and does a great job of putting it in a modern perspective by comparing that watchfulness to the way people today observe and judge those with tattoos or other forms of body art.
While Waldstreicher focuses on people’s vigilence in their looking out for those less free than them, Thomas P. Slaughter in the first chapter of Whiskey Rebellion reverses that somewhat and focuses on how less free members of society were always on the lookout for any kind of abuse from people above them (or more “free” than them). In that chapter, Slaughter focuses on how upset people, generally those in poorer, more rural regions, would get about the idea of internal taxes, both in England and America. For example, he starts by discussing how the rural parts of England, along with Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, were always the ones most upset my Parliament’s attempts to tax internally. (12) On pages 17-20, he discusses how angry American colonists (who were themselves at the time a fringe part of the British Empire far removed from the true power center in London) became over internal taxes in the lead up to the Revolution in the 1760s. In his post this week, Ben Hartshorn discusses the language of that anger, specifically how colonists conflated internal taxes with a form of slavery being imposed on them.
Waldstreicher and Slaughter both show us that the political atmosphere in early America (and Britain) was one of hyper-awareness of both others’ and their own status in a society where each rung on the hierarchy meant a lesser degree of freedom. It makes sense that American colonists thought of themselves as slaves when they sensed a group of people above them in the British hierarchy (those in Parliament) treating them unfairly would call themselves slaves. After all, they would look at anyone below themselves on the ladder as somewhat of a slave, so what else would they call it when they were suffering from unfair taxation imposed by those above them on that same ladder? Both Waldstreicher’s article and the first chapter of Whiskey Rebellion give great insight into the role of freedom in the structure of early American society.

Runaways: An Expendable Workforce?


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This week’s readings (especially the runaway ads) were quite entertaining.  Seeing the numerous ways people tried to reclaim their “property” and seeing to what lengths that individuals would go getting their slaves back came across as ridiculous in some instances.  What made this especially entertaining to me was seeing the differences and varying descriptions found in some of these runaway ads. By stating the descriptions of slaves in detail or perhaps stating that if someone finds a runaway slave they could kill them if they deemed necessary makes the role of a runaway very complicated, are they valued or expendable?  This idea of killing a runaway slave if deemed necessary really struck me as interesting compared to the other ads as the narrative the ad tells goes much deeper than the script of the advertisement.  This runaway in particular could have been a poor worker (meaning he was not valued on the plantation he worked on), by stating the runaway is expendable a message is sent to the slave community that you are only as good to the owner as what you have done for them recently, and that runaways are the scapegoats for the problems slave-owners have (the owner of the slave really has no idea if the slave is responsible for the numerous crimes that have been committed since he ran away).  Another aspect of the ads that struck me was some of the ambiguity some of the ads had.  I believe this ambiguity was intentional as it allowed any black person that was brought to a slave owner to be claimed as “their runaway.”  This creates I believe a huge problem regarding the concept of runaways which was the enslavement of free blacks who were essentially kidnapped, a situation I believe that happened more than is reported.

These ads for runaways play into a statement made by Ian a couple weeks back regarding the importance of newspapers in American society.  These ads (according to what Professor Shrout told us in class) appeared on the front page of newspapers making them perhaps the first thing an individual read when they picked up a newspaper.  Taking this fact and making a bit of a stretch with this information I feel like the question “does seeing numerous ads regarding runaways shape the way that many view African Americans/slaves?”  I think that it absolutely plays a role in the perception of slaves (especially for the uneducated or those who lack critical thinking skills) as it paints them as almost “evil” individuals who simply will do whatever they can to escape their role despite the “hospitality” they have been offered while working on a plantation.  Furthermore it reaffirms a thought of domination over their property that many slaveholders or those who sympathized with slaveholders had.

Waldstreicher in his work “Reading the Runaways” brings up a valid point in his work regarding the changing “possibilities for black resistance in late-colonial America” (Waldstreicher 245). Blacks were gaining roles in northern society that threatened the way of life many in the mid-Atlantic and southern colonies enjoyed.  If blacks were to realize what they could accomplish in the north after escaping slavery, or even realize what they could attain if they revolted against their slave owners, many plantation owners would not see the degree of profits of which they enjoyed or might be put out of business.  More importantly without slave labor the argument can be made that the backbone of southern economy would no longer be present, essentially crippling financially an entire region of the colonies.