Bringing Space and Place to the Gilded Age


Warning: Undefined variable $num in /home/shroutdo/public_html/courses/wp-content/plugins/single-categories/single_categories.php on line 126

Warning: Undefined variable $posts_num in /home/shroutdo/public_html/courses/wp-content/plugins/single-categories/single_categories.php on line 127

This past summer I went to Santiago, Chile with my family before the start of my semester abroad. My parents desired to leave the city because they felt Chile had more to offer than a large Western-feeling space. To my parents, cities could feel repetitive (having lived in New York for about 50 years). Parisians and Romans may disagree but I found this to be true of Dublin, Ireland as well. Upon arriving, my family immediately wanted to depart for the countryside because we felt like the city was not offering us anything we had not experienced before. “Bringing the City Back in: Space and Place in the Urban History of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era” by James Connolly challenged my views of cities by bringing to light variations in spacial arrangements and “the specific history of social, economic, political, and cultural interaction that creates identities” (271). Many of these variations are associated with the Gilded Age and are distinctions that you might not pick up on if you are a tourist visiting a city for only three days.

These problems arise when people are quick to lump things together. Sherwood’s post questions, “Is the generalized overview more illuminating than the examination of a specific instance, or vice versa?” Rebecca Edwards in “Politics, Social Movements, and the Periodization of U.S. History” jokes about herself being a “lumper extraordinaire,” and although I admire her fight to rename history, I don’t agree with her oversimplification of history. History does not always fit neatly into years, in the same way spaces are created by cities. There is a benefit to classifying eras by the main components that make them unique, or their identities, which is reaffirmed in Sherwood’s post: “for the average students of history, there is little wisdom to be gained from the study of broad, general trends.” Place and space are typically geographical terms, but their concepts can be applied to history as well.

Being a Local: Space, Place, and Economics in the Gilded Age


Warning: Undefined variable $num in /home/shroutdo/public_html/courses/wp-content/plugins/single-categories/single_categories.php on line 126

Warning: Undefined variable $posts_num in /home/shroutdo/public_html/courses/wp-content/plugins/single-categories/single_categories.php on line 127

James Connolly in his Bringing the City Back in: Space and Place in the Urban History of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era discusses the importance differentiating between locations. Often individual cities like New York, Boston, Atlanta, or Charlotte get lumped together and described by a single general story of urbanization. Connolly cites a novel by Edward Bellamy, Looking Backwards. In the novel, the city named is Boston, but the description could apply to nearly any city. The main character meets unnamed workers; everything remains anonymous. To a certain extent, this picture is not entirely inaccurate. Cities and urbanization seem to increase anonymity. One may live in a city skyscraper and not know the hundreds of people who live around you. Walking down the street, people keep their heads focused on the sidewalk and do not wave to every person they pass. In a small rural town, on the other hand, one might know all the details of a neighbor’s life and walking down main street turns into long conversations about an ailing relative. While these images are obviously stereotypical, there still seems to be some use in generally classifying cities.

While this general sweep may be useful and efficient, it is also important to note that each location will be unique. Generalities are just that—general. Every city, every neighborhood, every block will have a distinctive flavor and feel. Indeed, some of the tiny differences may be the most important place for historians to examine. For instance, Mary Lethert Wingerd suggests that differences between two places may contribute to the development of the location. The usual argument goes: St. Paul possibly developed more conservative politics that nearby Minneapolis because St. Paul was composed mostly of a conservative Irish-Catholic working class where as Minneapolis’ Scandinavian/Yankee Protestants were less conservative. Wingerd says the difference might have more to do with the “civic culture” of St. Paul derived from the relationship of business and labor and the Catholic Church.

Richard Schneirov’s piece focuses more on the economics of the Gilded Age. He ends listing some characteristics of the gilded age such as social instability and capital accumulation. These are the generalities that Connolly talked about, although they apply to economics rather than cities. Economics might also benefit from Connolly’s location-specific emphasis. New York probably has a very different economic landscape from New Orleans.

In the blog post the Merit of Specificity, this central question was posed, “Is the generalized overview more illuminating than the examination of a specific instance, or vice versa?” I think this question gets to the heart of the matter. I would say that both views are useful. Generalities may be simpler, easier, and can reveal accurate larger trends; yet they also obscure individuals. Look at specific cases may be illuminating and more specifically accurate, but it is difficult to look at every single thing on an individual scale.

The Merit of Specificity


Warning: Undefined variable $num in /home/shroutdo/public_html/courses/wp-content/plugins/single-categories/single_categories.php on line 126

Warning: Undefined variable $posts_num in /home/shroutdo/public_html/courses/wp-content/plugins/single-categories/single_categories.php on line 127

Blog Post #1 (for Thursday, 1/23) 

In his article “Bringing the City Back In”, James Connolly expresses dissatisfaction with “new urban history”, an approach to studying urban environments that emphasizes social science. Connolly explains that the “new urban history” method is too general, and seeks an “all encompassing synthesis [that is both] an unlikely and undesirable prospect” (264). He advocates bringing “the city back in” by addressing specific cultural, political, social and economic identities of different physical areas (264).

Charles Calhoun would likely agree with this approach. “Moving Beyond Stereotypes of the Gilded Age” debunks a traditionally bland conception of the period by emphasizing its significance: “the United States experienced a profound transformation during these years, with lasting implications for the century that followed” (3). Furthermore, it scolds educators for neglecting the period in favor of the “seemingly more momentous” (3). Calhoun suggests that keywords like “industrialization” and “urbanization” are not a sufficient characterization of the Gilded Age.

One of the central questions of histories of the Gilded Age is this issue of method. Is the generalized overview more illuminating than the examination of a specific instance, or vice versa? The former identifies trends and transformations on the national scale, while the latter captures the “place”—the cultural, political, social and economic identity—of a single “space”. In her post for this week, Emily Taylor writes that we study history “to better understand the present vis-à-vis the past”. But for the average student of history, there is little wisdom to be gained from the study of broad, general trends. Emily’s philosophy promotes the kind of historiography that James Connolly advocates.

Referring back to last week’s reading, Kenneth Hewitt’s writing in Regions of Risk exemplifies a poorly balanced historiography that depends on generalities. For example, Hewitt explains that progress is a double-edged sword—often responsible for causing disasters and often relied on for preventing them. He also explains that there are two types of risk: routine risk, which are widespread and recognized, and extreme events, which constitute a disaster. He mentions the Titanic and the earthquake in Kobe only for their dramatic effect.