Colonial Women


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Mary Beth Norton reexamines the evolution of white colonial women between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. Early historiographical examination led to the belief that a woman’s role in society saw steady decline in the nineteenth century, implying that their status in the early colonial period had been one of more importance. Norton argues that the early “paradigm is simplistic and unsophisticated, resting its assessment of women’s status solely on one factor (their economic function in society) and assumes that a less complex social system automatically brings higher standing for women.” (Norton, 595) A white woman’s role in colonial society can and should be defined using a wider range of anthropological features, such as: demographic patterns, religion, the law, household organization, ideas and behavior inherent in Old World societies that traveled across the Atlantic, and colonists attitudes toward themselves and their societies. (Norton, 595) Taking into account these more complicated aspects, Norton finds women’s roles between the early colonial period and the American Revolution to never really have experienced a monumental shift, while allowing for obvious differences created by developments in religion and the economy.

I find myself disagreeing slightly with her analysis of early colonial women and their roles within the development of their settlements. During that difficult period, I feel that an “all hands on deck” method was adopted out of necessity. Women were integral members in the creation of new settlements in the Chesapeake and New England arenas, not only maintaining households but also cultivating land, building shelters, procreating to allow for future generations, and even taking up arms to defend against incursions in some instances. As Alec reminds us by discussing women’s roles in the economies of Potosi and the Yoruba, society and situation will always dictate a member’s, and even more specifically, a particular gender’s status in a settlement. Because the populations of early colonial settlements were so small, women had to have been relied upon to perform duties far above and beyond normalcies carried over from England. In my opinion, as populations grew, women digressed to more traditional roles because society’s demands were once again being filled by males. I feel this was the template for all nations during Atlantic colonization.

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The Golden Age of Colonial Women


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Gutierrez, Christian

Dr. Shrout

HIST-410: Atlantic History

6 of November 2016

The Golden Age of Women: Truth or a Myth?

The decade is the roaring 20’s, women have just be given the right to vote and a young Elisabeth Anthony Dexter is about to originate a theory that would dominate historical ideology on women during the early colonial period. The idea of a Golden Age for women, which stated that there was a decline in women’s role in society starting the 19th century. It states that due to an unequal sex rate and blurred social roles women actually had more rights during colonial America than their English predecessors.

Mary Beth Norton challenges the idea of the Golden Age by comparing women in 17th century England, New England, and the Chesapeake Bay. She commences by comparing the Chesapeake Bay with New England women, in the Chesapeake mortality rates were incredibly high which meant reproduction was crucial for the success of the colony. Women, however, were in short supply which meant they often got married sooner and widowed at a young age, which supports Dexter’s theory, however, they often remarried right away because they needed a man to support them, a woman status in the colony was that of her husband. While in New England they still married young but mortality rates were stable and often marriages would last well into old age, which completely disproves Dexter’s claim. While in England woman will marry at an older age which meant they needed to acquire a wage earning job to support them till marriage. In this respect, English women had more autonomy .

Norton informs the reader of the social structure of the average colonial household being patriarchal, which meant the husband was the top of the social hierarchy and therefore had complete control over his wife, who would simply care for the children and do household chores…under hs supervision. She mentions the crucial role of practice and their distaste for women in power which helped cripple woman’s social status by not allowing them a role as spiritual leaders.

What I gathered from the reading was colonial English women had less of a social power than the Native American and African women. While colonial American women did get to trade with one another for spun wool or butter their native American counterparts were heavily impacting the economy. As Alec wrote for the Potosi readings “women soon dominated urban market vendors.”

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Mary Beth Norton: The Evolution of Women’s Experience in Early America


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Mary Beth Norton’s article explains the experience of women in Colonial America through migration, religion, creating communities and families. Mary Beth Norton explains women’s experience during Colonial America is different than in Britain because Colonial America had more opportunities for women to succeed in religion, marriage, and societies. In the late 16th to early 17th century, British migrants started to move to the United States to create their own colonies and build societies in the Northeast. (Page 596). During the 17th century and 18th century, houses women lived in New England were better built and more spacious because women had increased domestic work spaces and better control of household activities through gardening or cooking. (Page 600). Women increased the population in Colonial America and economic because of the quality household goods, manufacturing spinning wheels for clothes, and produce cheese and butter. One example of Women in Massachusetts was women’s production in Colonial America because it brought increased production, female trading networks along with social networks, women working in mill factories, and women became more independent through production. (Page 604-605). Women and girls learned to read through religious independence because more women joined the church more than men, they read the Bible in church, and women could better educate their children through church. I think women’s role became more significant in Colonial America because they had more freedom and became independence, women helped increase the economics in the Northeast, and women played a role in a political prospective through societies and social interaction through trade in production and economics. Colonial women helped create an identity in Colonial America because women migrating to the United States developed their own identity by creating their own society, educations through religion, economics through production and trade, and building a better future for their children. This reminds of Marissa Cervantes’ post from Michael Gomez’s article because women in the Sierra Leone and Akan societies had increased role in their community and given more power political and social interaction in their communities. Women’s roles were also significant through religion because they helped establish their colonies and communities.

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Not Just Dainty Ladies: Women’s Roles in Britain and the Colonies


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Women’s experiences in Britain and the colonies differed because of their involvement in society as well as their roles. Unlike in the colonies, British women had the freedom to navigate the market and contributed to the economy (Norton, 601). They worked for their own wages and even lived independently from their husbands. In England, women had greater control of their personal lives and were active in supporting their country’s economic state. They did not have to wholly submit to a patriarch-led household and could make a living for themselves with little interference. In the colonies, it was a different story for women. Since women migrated to more spread out territories, they did not have the same opportunities as their British counterparts. The majority of women often depended on their husbands for income (Norton, 601). Men had more dominance, and society determined how women should act in the household. Instead of being independent figures in colonial households, women were expected to submit to their husbands and be a moral example to their families. The “cult of domesticity” that emerged in the 1700s limited women’s roles to their residences, and it purely focused on how they could support their husbands and children (Norton, 618). Across the Atlantic, women’s roles were either restricted or expanded depending on their location. What can be said is women contributed to the growth of their societies, and they set an example for how women could impact their environment despite their place.

Mary Beth Norton’s article reminded me of Chapter 5 in the class textbook where it discussed migration. Many families immigrated to the colonies in search for employment or to start new lives (Egerton et al. 178). However, women were exchanging their rights in the process of settling in a new land. They had to adapt to new structures in colonial society and sometimes did not have the same freedoms they had in their homeland. I agree with Kyle Kelsay on his point about women having freedom when it came to religious matters in the home. Women helped their children grow spiritually and taught them biblical values. Even though women were unable to obtain leadership positions in the church, they had opportunities to educate their families about the teachings of Christianity.

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Primary Sources for Pirates


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Since I’m doing my report on Pirates in the Atlantic, I have found some pretty interesting primary sources.

Here is a map of the West Indies as a “war plan”. It could have been used for pirates. It was created in 1762 by Emanuel Bowden. It is from the Map Collections from the University of Texas in Arlington as well as the University of Texas at Arlington Library. https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth190464/

Next is an image depicting a sea battle between the English and Spanish pirates.

“Attack on Spanish Fleet” was created in 1742 during the Battle of Bloody Marsh. It was a fight against the Spanish and the English over Florida and Georgia. Taken from New Georgia Encyclopedia at the Digital Library of Georgia. http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/file/6418. Unknown illustrator.

Primary view of object titled 'West Indies from the latest and best authorities.'.

Here is a map of the West Indies, a good source to use when locating pirate attacks or getting a sense of where pirates conducted most of their activity. Taken from the University of Texas at Arlington Library in the Map Collections from the University of Texas at Arlington and made by N & S.S. Jocelyn in 1825. https://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metapth192608/

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Iroquois Encounters with Christianity


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iroquois-5

My original topic initially focused on Protestant Christianity among the Iroquois Confederacy during the colonial era. However, due to a slew of primary source material I have come across, I would like to refine this topic to include Iroquois peoples’ encounters with Christianity in general. Below are five primary sources including four works of art and a sacred religious text.

Ernest Smith, “Handsome Lake Preaching His Code at the Longhouse,” 1936, watercolor, Rochester Museum and Science Center.

This is Senecan preacher Handsome Lake granting a sermon. He is known for syncretizing indigenous Senecan beliefs and aspects of Quakerism. His teachings came to encompass an entire religion, Gaiwiio, whose sacred text is visible here. A full citation of the religious text is immediately below.

Parker, Arthur. The Code of Handsome Lake, the Seneca Prophet. Albany: University of the State of New York, 1913.

Handsome Lake’s religious code, the eponymous The Code of Handsome Lake, was compiled by anthropologist Arthur Parker, who vigorously studied Iroquois culture.

Father Chauchetiere, “Saint Kateri Tekakwitha,” c. 1682-1696, oil on canvas, 41 x 37 in., St. Francis Xavier Church, Kanawake Mohawk Reservation, Montreal, Quebec.

Kateri Tekakwitha is depicted in the portrait above. A survivor of smallpox, she converted to Catholicism at the age of 19. She is both beatified and canonized.

Gérard Dicks Pellerin a-1640xl pc065135 10-02-04
F.J. Bressani, “Wendat Family Praying after their Conversion to Christianity by Jesuits,” c. 1657, engraving, 24 cm., in The Huron: Farmers of the North, Bruce G. Trigger (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers, 1990), 14.

The Wendats were an Iroquois-speaking people who inhabited what is now the Canadian province of Ontario. They were the target of Jesuit missionary activity during the 17th century.

iroquois

Joseph-Francois Lafitau, “Moeurs des Sauvages Americains Comparees aux Moeurs des Premier Temps,” 1724, detail, The Library Company of Philadelphia.

This is a depiction of a Jesuit missionary observing an Iroquois burial ceremony in the early 18th century.

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Thomas Jefferson’s Letter to Lafayette


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In his letter to the Marquis de Lafayette in 1792, Thomas Jefferson explains his perspective on the direction in which the United States was headed, as well as his perception of his newly formed nation. Expressing his concerns about the uneasiness of America during the 18th century, Jefferson writes about the importance of maintaining American independence and stability after British emancipation. In his letter, Jefferson voices his concerns about British supporters, but reassures Lafayette that they are “preachers without followers, and that [American] people are firm & constant in their republican purity.”

In his post, Hunter Loya explains that Jefferson’s language signifies that he is deeply concerned about the future of the extremely young United States of America. Loya states that “Jefferson’s concerns over the political issues that were starting to sprout inside of the government were growing, unaware of the factions that would persist years after.” I agree with this point and would like to add that Jefferson’s concerns display the divide in ideology over American government beginning with American independence. Jefferson’s desire to states rights and minimal federal power are expressed in his letters, and his concerns as shown represent his disagreements with British government, as well as his fear that American government will be heavily centralized and eventually replicate the monarchy colonists revolted against.

The Declaration of Independence lists the acts of the Monarch of England that American colonists disagreed with, from refusal of Assent of Laws, to refusal to pass laws of immediate importance, to the quartering of troops in homes. In Jefferson’s letter to Lafayette, not only does he express concerns for maintaining American independence from Britain, but he also continues the debate as to whether the United States should have a strong centralized government or strong state administrations.

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Propaganda: Paul Revere’s Boston Massacre


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As the Revolution dawned and the colonies needed to drum up support for their cause, propaganda began to be released about the British. Paul Revere’s painting of the Boston Massacre helps to convey the colonies’ message that the British were the enemy. It is an excellent example of propaganda, as it distorts the truth and uses great symbolism to accomplish its goal, which is convincing the colonists that the war was just. Even though the American Revolution was mostly driven by wealthy individuals, they relied on the support of the lower classes.

The iconography that is used in the painting is clear and conveys the intended message. This can be seen through the use of red throughout the painting; the deep red color is only used two times, one for the blood of the “massacred” citizens and the other for the coats of the British. This conveys the message that the British are evil and equates the blood that is spilled with the British themselves. Likewise, the colonists are wearing normal, muted clothes, which distinguishes them from the British. This distorts the truth for several reasons, namely the name “massacre.” As the painting itself notes, relatively few people were killed however, the painting makes it seems like more individuals were killed. Similarly, the painting does not show any conflicts prior to the event, and simply shows what the aftermath was.

As Matt Everett noted, this represents an important cultural distinction between the British and the colonists. This cultural distinction was important because although they were similar in culture, there was a difference in laws in regards to trade. As previously discussed in weeks prior by the authors of The Atlantic World, most aspects of the Atlantic world as a whole were driven by the importance of trade and wealth. Because the laws complained about by the wealthier colonists did not affect the whole of society, propaganda was necessary to change their opinions of a group that was so culturally similar to themselves.

Source

The Boston Massacre by Paul Revere

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The Exacerbation of Colonial American Tensions


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During class on Monday, we learned about the Proclamation of 1763 and its explicit prohibition of colonial settlement past the Appalachian Mountains. Today’s assigned readings (a series of primary source documents) underline the rationale behind this prohibition. Interfering with American Indian affairs and allowing non-consensual appropriation of their land was simply not conducive to trade. Colonists migrating westward beyond the ‘backcountry’ (a spatial term explored in James Merrell’s Second Thoughts) created administrative problems for the British. The British government preferred to conduct formal diplomatic proceedings with Native American assemblies to ‘legitimize’ the seizure of their land (although the British themselves acknowledged the treaties they produced were largely unfair and lopsided). This is a consistent theme in Atlantic history and reminiscent of the Spanish treatment of Indians: they, too, made token efforts to express concern over Native well-being with ineffectual legal documents and vapid declarations (Egerton et al., 152).

Naturally, the Proclamation of 1763 translated to the tumultuous revolutionary milieu of 1770s colonial America. Colonists were upset at being forbidden to settle the lucrative Ohio River Valley, and the added burden of taxation to finance the cost of maintaining an army further exacerbated tensions. As my classmate Andre Escalante states in his own blog post, “leading up to the American Revolution, cultural distinctions between the British and colonists deepened.” As colonists endured more and more tax burdens, they naturally began to foster a collective identity and ferment revolutionary ideals (many of these ideals being explored in Jefferson’s letter to Lafayette). These developments culminated in the Boston Massacre, depicted in a print by Paul Revere. His print purposefully portrays the British soldiers who fired upon a Bostonian crowd as aggressors, although the truth is, the colonists attacked first. As the Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History states, Paul Revere’s print “was probably the most effective piece of propaganda in American history.” Atlantic history is rife with exploitation and injustices, so it is quite ironic how a rallying point behind “the first big breakaway from an imperial power” in the Atlantic is a propagandist spin of a provocation by revolutionaries.

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Thomas Jefferson’s Letter to Lafayette


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This letter from Thomas Jefferson to Marquis de Lafayette shows us the direction that Jefferson believed his country was headed and reveals his perception of the newly formed United States of America. Jefferson wrote to Lafayette in a time when early America was in a very uneasy position. After gaining independence from Great Britain, the United States needed to maintain the power it had gained. Jefferson announces his fears of those who oppose the fledgeling country in the first page of his letter, but reassures Lafayette (and himself) that these men are “preachers without followers.”

Viktoriya responded to this letter, calling it an ordinary letter between Jefferson and Lafayette and to some extent I agree that without any context this letter would seem very innocuous. However, given Jefferson’s ambitions for the United States and the country’s short lifetime, the language that Jefferson uses are indicative of a much more concerned man. Jefferson’s concerns over the political issues that were starting to sprout inside of the government were growing, unaware of the factions that would persist years after.

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